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The Bamberg Introduction to the History of Islam (BIHI) 03

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3. The Prophet of Yathrib and the New Polity (622-630)

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The center of the new religion shifts to the oasis of Yathrib, with warfare taking center stage. Muḥammad and his followers engage in battles against pagan Mecca and increasingly come into conflict with the Jews of Yathrib, who are ultimately expelled from the oasis. As the leader of the nascent community, Muḥammad implements a series of legal, social, and ritual reforms.

3.1. Maghāzī – The Military Expeditions of Muḥammad

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3.1.1. The Provocation of the Quraysh

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Arab sources consistently report that Muḥammad arrived at the oasis of Yathrib on September 24, 622, following his emigration from Mecca. Having been expelled from his hometown, he considered it justifiable to engage in conflict against his former hometown. This is clearly reflected in two Qur'anic verses, widely recognized as the earliest revelations on the subject of warfare:

The war with Mecca, which Muḥammad waged from his new base in Yathrib, began with minor pinpricks. According to the chronology of al-Wāqidī, who composed a detailed account of Muḥammad's military expeditions (maghāzī) in the early 9th century, Muḥammad dispatched his uncle Ḥamza with a group of warriors seven months after his arrival in Yathrib to intercept a Meccan trade caravan returning from Syria under the leadership of Abū Jahl. However, no combat occurred because a man from the Juhaynah tribe, allied with both sides, intervened. During a second expedition in April 623, "the first arrow of Islam" was launched. The conflict with the Meccans soon disregarded traditional Arab religious norms, such as the obligation to maintain peace during the sacred months (see above 1.3.3.). For example, a unit commissioned by Muḥammad raided a Meccan caravan during the sacred month of Rajab near Nakhla, south of Mecca. According to tradition, this event prompted the following revelation:

From this Qur'anic verse, it is evident that the continued existence of the old religion in Mecca posed a constant temptation for Muḥammad’s followers to abandon their faith. Since many of them apparently found military combat (qitāl) undesirable, it was subsequently declared obligatory (cf. Q 2:216) and elevated it to a religious dimension through the designation jihād fī sabīl Allāh (“striving in the way of God”, as stated in the subsequent verse Q 2:218). This term has also been adopted into the English language in the form of Jihad.

 
Illustration of the Battle of Badr in a Persian manuscript, early 14th century

The first major confrontation between the Meccans and Muḥammad’s followers took place in March 624 near the site of Badr, approximately 130 kilometers southwest of Yathrib. Muḥammad had received information about a wealthy Meccan caravan returning from Syria. With 300 men, including members of the Muzaynah tribe allied with the Aws, he set out for Badr, situated along the coastal road, to intercept the caravan. A battle ensued between Muḥammad's forces and a Meccan army of approximately 950 men, which had rushed to the caravan's aid under the command of Muḥammad’s bitter adversary Abū Jahl. Muḥammad's forces achieved an unexpected victory. The Meccans suffered between 45 and 70 fatalities, with a similar number taken prisoner. Among the fallen Meccans were several prominent figures, including Abū Jahl. In contrast, Muḥammad’s followers lost only 14 men and captured substantial spoils of war.

Following the battle, Muḥammad had some of the prisoners beheaded, including his former adversary al-Naḍr ibn al-Ḥārith. The victory at Badr was of immense military and religious significance for Muḥammad's followers. Apparently, however, not all of them contributed to this victory. This is evident from verses revealed after Badr, which clarify that those among the believers who “sit still” at home without a valid excuse are not equal in rank before God to the Mujāhidūn – those who engage in jihad (strive in the way of Allah) with their wealth and their lives (cf. Q 4:95f).

3.1.2. The Defense Against the Meccan Counterattack

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The defeat at Badr dealt a severe blow to the Quraysh of Mecca. They had long been regarded as one of the most powerful tribes in Arabia, and to some extent, their commercial success relied on this reputation. Their trade depended on cooperation with many other tribes, and now, insubordination from some of these tribes was to be anticipated. It was therefore of critical importance for the Quraysh to demonstrate that they still possessed the strength to exact revenge for the wrongs they had suffered. Ten weeks after the Battle of Badr, Abū Sufyān ibn Ḥarb, who had assumed leadership of Mecca following the battle, carried out a swift raid on Yathrib. After setting fire to two houses, however, he quickly withdrew.

 
A depiction of the Battle of Uhud in a Siyer-i Nebi from 1594, now part of the David Collection in Copenhagen.

In the months that followed, Abū Sufyān succeeded in recruiting 3,000 well-equipped warriors. In March 625, he advanced toward Yathrib with this force, penetrating the oasis from its northwestern corner. At Mount Uhud, a battle ensued, with the momentum shifting back and forth between the two sides for a long time. As the tide of war began to shift in favor of Muḥammad’s followers, they started gathering the spoils. This prompted a group of Muḥammad’s archers to abandon their positions to turn their attention to the spoils. On the Meccan side, Khālid ibn al-Walīd, a prominent warrior, exploited the situation to sow confusion among the ranks of Muḥammad's followers and ultimately overpower them. However, in the end, Muḥammad’s followers succeeded in regaining critical positions, causing the Meccans to withdraw without permanently eliminating their adversary, Muḥammad. For Muḥammad’s followers, the Battle of Uhud was nevertheless a bitter disappointment: not only because they had lost 50 to 70 men, including Muḥammad’s uncle Ḥamza, and Muḥammad himself had been injured, but also because they came to realize that divine support was not as assured as it had seemed after their victory at Badr. Several Qur’anic verses from this period affirm that those who are killed “in the way of God” are not truly dead but living (Q 2:154), are provided for by their Lord (Q 3:169), have their sins forgiven (Q 3:157), and are admitted directly into Paradise (Q 3:195).

The conflict between Muḥammad and the Meccans was by no means concluded with the Battle of Uhud. As Muḥammad continued to disrupt Meccan trade and found an increasing number of allies among the Arabian Bedouins, the Meccans felt compelled to take action against him once more. In turn, they sought to recruit a number of Bedouin tribes to their side. These alliances demonstrate that the conflict between Mecca and Yathrib had by then extended to the surrounding regions of both cities. In July 625, the Banū Sulaym, a tribe allied with the Quraysh, massacred a large number of Muslims at Biʾr Maʿūna, located between Mecca and Yathrib. In response, Muḥammad is said to have cursed the Banū Sulaym for an entire month. This practice has been preserved in a modified form as part of the Qunūt, a supplication recited during the morning prayer or the nightly Witr prayer.

At the beginning of 627, the Meccans and their allies advanced to Yathrib with a force of 10,000 men. Muḥammad, however, had a trench (khandaq) excavated around the less fortified areas of the oasis settlement, making it wide enough that a horse could not leap across. This move took the Meccans by such surprise that they were unable to devise an effective strategic response. What had been intended as an assault instead turned into a siege. Due to intrigues, however, the Meccan alliance collapsed after only 14 days, forcing an end to the siege of Yathrib. The Meccans ultimately withdrew without having achieved anything.

3.1.3. The Military and Political Breakthrough

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Sasanian ruler Khosrow II (r. 590–628) depicted on a gold coin, Bode Museum

The Battle of the Trench was, essentially, Muḥammad’s final defensive campaign. From that point onward, his life entered an offensive phase, marking the beginning of an era of conquests for the community he had established. To understand Muḥammad's subsequent military success, it is necessary to contextualize the political dynamics of the Middle East during that period. At the beginning of the 7th century, a prolonged conflict erupted between the Byzantine Empire and the Sasanian Empire. Between 603 and 619, Sasanian forces initially conquered Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. In 622, however, the Byzantine emperor launched a counteroffensive. The conflict led to intense clashes in which the Sasanians suffered several defeats. It concluded in 628 with a peace treaty requiring Khosrow II to return all conquered territories. Subsequently, Khosrow was overthrown by his officers, initiating a period of political turmoil in the Sasanian Empire that persisted until 633. During this time, the Sasanian alliance network on the Arabian Peninsula collapsed. It was precisely during this five-year power vacuum that Muḥammad transformed his newly established state into a military and political success.

In the year following the Battle of the Trench, he led several smaller military expeditions, the most significant being those against the oasis of Dumat al-Jandal and the Muṣṭaliq tribe, situated west of Yathrib. In March 628, accompanied by a group of believers, he set out for Mecca to perform the ʿUmrah pilgrimage. The Meccans, suspecting hostile intentions, ensured that he did not approach the city. From his encampment at al-Ḥudaybiya, on the outskirts of the Ḥaram, Muḥammad initiated negotiations with the Meccans, resulting in a treaty. The treaty imposed what appeared on the surface to be humiliations, which in turn created tensions among his followers. For instance, the Meccan envoy refused to recognize him as “Muḥammad, the Messenger of God,” acknowledging him only as “Muḥammad ibn ʿAbdallāh.” However, the terms of the agreement were of greater significance: they included a ten-year truce and a promise from the Meccans to allow Muḥammad and his followers to enter the city the following year for a three-day ʿUmrah. In return, Muḥammad refrained from performing the ʿUmrah that year and withdrew with his men to Yathrib.

The Treaty of Ḥudaybiya was a triumph for the Prophet and his followers. The Qur'an reports that God sent down His sakīna into the hearts of the believers, increasing their faith (Q 48:4, 18). The term sakīna originates from the Jewish concept of Shekhinah, which denotes the “presence” of God among His people. In this context, however, it also refers to a psychological state of tranquility and serenity. Following the Treaty of Ḥudaybiya, several Arabs from other regions of Arabia who had already pledged allegiance to Muḥammad previously completed their Hijrah—that is, they migrated to Yathrib—to provide military support to Muḥammad. Among them were, for example, the two Yemenis, Abū Hurayra and Abū Mūsā al-Ashʿarī. The following year, in March 629, Muḥammad traveled to Mecca with approximately 2,000 followers to perform the planned ʿUmrah. On this occasion, he married Maymūnah, the sister-in-law of his uncle ʿAbbās, who at that time had assumed the leadership of the Banū Hāshim in Mecca. An increasing number of Meccans began to acknowledge Muḥammad as a prophet and left the city to join him, including those who had fought against him only a short time earlier, such as Khālid ibn al-Walīd, who had been on the opposing side during the Battle of Uhud (see above 3.1.2.). The Qur'an specifies a distinct procedure for women who sought to join the Muslim camp: They were to be examined, and if recognized as true believers, they were not to be sent back to the disbelievers; the Muslim community was required to reimburse the disbelievers for their dowries, after which it was permissible to marry these women (Q 60:10).

In the course of 629, Muḥammad oversaw additional military campaigns. In September, he dispatched his former slave and adopted son, Zayd ibn Ḥāritha, with an army to Muʿtah, in present-day Jordan, east of the southern tip of the Dead Sea. A series of events then unfolded, ultimately leading to the peaceful capitulation of Mecca. Muḥammad married Umm Ḥabība, the daughter of Abū Sufyān, who had embraced Islam years earlier and whose Muslim husband had passed away. Shortly thereafter, a clan of the Khuzāʿah tribe, which had allied with Muḥammad after Ḥudaybiya, was attacked by a clan of the Kināna tribe, who were allied with the Meccans. Under duress, the Khuzāʿah clan appealed to Muḥammad, who regarded the Treaty of Ḥudaybiya as breached due to this incident.

To avoid a military confrontation, Abū Sufyān traveled to Yathrib under the pretext of visiting his daughter and conducted negotiations with Muḥammad. Although the exact course of the subsequent events remains unclear, it is certain that gifts were exchanged between Muḥammad and Abū Sufyān following the latter's return to Mecca. In the matter itself, however, Muḥammad was unwilling to make any concessions and gave the command to prepare for a campaign to capture Mecca. With an army of approximately 10,000 men, comprising not only his followers from Mecca and Yathrib but also fighters from neighboring tribes such as the Banū Sulaym and Muzayna, he marched toward Mecca. Abū Sufyān met him on the way and engaged in negotiations. In return for his conversion to Islam, he was granted a guarantee of safety for all Meccan residents who refrained from armed resistance. These extensive assurances resulted in Muḥammad's army facing only minimal resistance as they advanced into the city from multiple directions in January 630. In Arabic sources, the conquest of Mecca is referred to as fatḥ, “opening”, serving as an archetype for subsequent Muslim conquests (futūḥ) of cities and lands under Muḥammad's successors. Separate texts and works were later dedicated to documenting these events.

3.2. The Internal Development of the Community in Yathrib

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3.2.1. The So-Called “Constitution of Medina”

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Upon Muḥammad's arrival in Yathrib, his followers primarily consisted of two main groups: the members of the Quraysh who had undertaken the Hijrah with him from Mecca, and the clans of Aws and Khazraj, who had received these emigrants in Yathrib. Establishing a bond of loyalty between these two groups was an urgent necessity to establish a cohesive community. This very issue is addressed in a verse of the Qur'an, which states: “Those who believed and left their homes and strove with their wealth and their lives for the cause of Allah, and those who took them in and helped them: these are protecting friends one of another.” (Q 8:72). Evidently, practical measures were undertaken to achieve this objective, as there are reports suggesting the establishment of a “brotherhood” (muʾākhāh) between members of the two groups. The typical form of this bond of brotherhood involved pairing an emigrant (muhājir) with one of the “helpers” (anṣār), with both declaring themselves as brothers. If one of them fell in battle, the other would inherit from him. The primary purpose of this brotherhood was to achieve greater solidarity in warfare. However, this measure did not entirely overcome the division among Muḥammad's followers. Over time, the distinction between the Meccan “Emigrants” (muhājirūn) and the “Helpers” (anṣār) from Yathrib seems to have become further entrenched, as suggested by two later Qur'anic verses (Q 9:100, 117), in which the two groups are juxtaposed.

A historical document offers a much more detailed account of the political circumstances in Yathrib following Muḥammad’s arrival than the Qur’an: the so-called Constitution of Medina. This document, transmitted by Ibn Hishām, contains the earliest recorded instance of the Arabic term al-Madīna (“the city” or “the place of jurisdiction”) as a designation for Yathrib. The term later became widely used as the city’s name and also appears in the final chapters of the Qur’an (e.g., Q 9:102; 63:8). Regarding the political order, the document begins by establishing itself as “a compact from Muḥammad the Prophet between the Believers and Muslims of Quraysh and Yathrib, and those who follow them, join them, and fight alongside them” (§ 1). They are to form “one Ummah, distinct from all others” (§ 2). The term Ummah is referenced in many other sections of the Qur'an, to denote various communities led by prophets. However, the Ummah of Medina was more oriented toward tribal concepts. The nine primary signatories of the pact were the "Emigrants of the Quraysh," who were evidently considered a single clan, along with eight clans from Yathrib. As stated, each group was to preserve its tribal structure and bear responsibility for paying blood money and ransoms on behalf of its members. However, this obligation of solidarity was restricted to the believers (muʾminūn) within each group. The second part of the document focuses on relations with the Jewish tribes of Yathrib and their Bedouin allies. The document concludes by declaring that the Valley of Yathrib is sacred (ḥarām) for all treaty partners (§ 39). The document demonstrates that the concept of Ummah at that time was understood to encompass relationships with members of other religions. Essentially, it was a treaty of alliance consistent with traditional Arab legal concepts. However, by restricting the obligations of solidarity in the first section to “believers,” a religious dimension was introduced. Muḥammad himself was assigned a judicial role within the framework of the Constitution. Thus, it was stipulated that those engaged in a dispute over a matter should bring it before God and Muḥammad (§§ 23, 42).

3.2.2 The Conflict with the Jews

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By the end of the Meccan period, Muḥammad maintained a highly positive view of Judaism. Qur'anic texts from this period call for avoiding disputes with the “People of the Book” (Ahl al-Kitāb), referring to the Jews of Yathrib, and instead emphasize highlighting the shared elements between the two revealed religions (Q 29:46). During the early Medinan period, the positive relationship with the Jewish community led Muḥammad and his followers to further align themselves with Jewish provisions. For instance, a third daily prayer was introduced following the Jewish model (cf. Q 2:238f), and the consumption of pork as well as sexual relations during menstruation were prohibited (cf. Q 2:173, 222).

During the early Medinan period, Muḥammad was also referred to as a nabī , a title used for prophets in the Bible and Jewish tradition. This title may have been introduced to persuade the Jews of Yathrib to acknowledge Muḥammad's religious leadership. Particularly noteworthy is the adjective ummī , which accompanies the term nabī in its first Qur'anic occurrence (Q 7:157f). It is likely derived from the Hebrew expression ummot ha-ʿolam, used in the Talmud to refer to non-Jewish nations where righteous individuals may emerge. The reference to this pagan-friendly tradition was significant, the prevailing belief among the Jews of Yathrib held that no prophecy could arise among the Arabs.

However, this rapprochement with Judaism did not imply that Muḥammad sought to subsume his religion into it. The Constitution of Medina explicitly states, “The Jews have their religion and the Believers have theirs.” He identified a shared religious foundation in monotheism, as reflected in the following Qur'anic verse:

Muḥammad seemingly envisioned that the Jews would eventually recognize his message as a reaffirmation of their own religion. This ultimately led him to expect that they would acknowledge his religious authority. Several Qur'anic verses call upon the Israelites to believe in what was revealed to him as a confirmation of their own scripture (Q 2:41) and to regard him as a confirmer of the Torah (Q 3:50).

It was likely in the context of the conflict with the Jews of Medina that Muḥammad first referred to the Archangel Gabriel as the mediator of the Qur'anic revelation. Gabriel had already played a prominent role in Jewish traditions concerning Abraham and Moses in pre-Islamic times. According to Surah 2:97, Gabriel is the one who has revealed the Qur’an to Muḥammad's heart “by God’s [permission], confirming that which was (revealed) before it, and a guidance and glad tidings to believers.” Qur'anic commentators explain that these verses were revealed when the Jews of Medina inquired of Muḥammad about the angel who brought him the revelations. When he responded that it was Gabriel—regarded as the friend of all prophets—they reportedly replied that they could not acknowledge him, as their friend was the angel Michael, while Gabriel was their enemy. In Surah 2:97-98, this “enmity” is condemned, emphasizing that both angels, Gabriel and Michael, are servants of God.

Such Qur'anic passages clearly demonstrate that the Jews of Medina were unwilling to recognize Muḥammad as a prophet within their tradition. Other verses reference recurring disputes with them (e.g., Q 2:139). Historiographical sources report that, at that time in Medina, there was only one prominent Jew who converted to Islam: ʿAbdallāh ibn Salām. His conversion is surrounded by numerous legends in Islamic tradition. Disappointed by the lack of support from Medina's Jewish community, Muḥammad severed ties with Judaism following the Battle of Badr. He urged the Jews to no longer call on him as an arbitrator, as they did not even abide by the rules of their own Torah (Q 5:43-45). Verbal attacks against the Jews became increasingly frequent. In various passages, they are accused of obduracy (e.g. Q 2:87-90) and their strict dietary prohibitions are explained as a consequence of their grave sins from the past (Q 4:160). In other passages, they are accused of concealing parts of their scriptures (cf. Q 11:18). Finally, there are four passages that state the Jews deliberately “distorted” or “corrupted” their scripture (Q 2:75-79, 4:46, 5:13, 5:41).

Verbal attacks were soon followed by physical attacks on Yathrib's Jewish tribes, which did not constitute a unified community but were part of three different tribes: the Banū Qaynuqāʿ, Banū al-Naḍīr, and Banū Qurayẓa. The Banū Qaynuqāʿ, who maintained their own market in Yathrib, were the victims of the first attack. According to tradition, the cause is said to have been an incident that occurred on their market following the Battle of Badr in 624, where an Arab woman was harassed by a group of Jews. A Muslim who witnessed the incident killed one of the Jews and was subsequently killed himself. This event served as the catalyst for Muḥammad to lay siege to the Banū Qaynuqāʿ in their fortified quarter in April 624. They were forced to leave their possessions behind and migrate to Adhriʿāt (modern-day Darʿā in Ḥaurān, Syria). The expulsion of the Banū Qaynuqāʿ also had an economic dimension, as Muḥammad was seeking to establish his own marketplace at the time, and the Qaynuqāʿ's market was an obstacle to this effort.

 
The Oasis of Khaybar Today

In August 625, Muḥammad took action against the Jewish tribe of Banū al-Naḍīr. According to tradition, the conflict was triggered by an attempted assassination of Muḥammad and accusations of collaboration with the hostile Quraysh. Muḥammad besieged them in their fortified houses and ordered the destruction of their palm plantations, thereby breaking an unwritten law of Arab warfare. According to Islamic tradition, verse Q 59:5 serves as a justification for this action. Like the Banū Qaynuqāʿ, the Banū al-Naḍīr were also expelled, with the majority seeking refuge in the Jewish oasis of Khaybar, where they possessed land and fortresses.

Following the Battle of the Trench in 627, a confrontation arose between the Muslims and the Banū Qurayẓa, the third and last remaining Jewish tribe in Medina, who also owned various other oases in the northern part of the peninsula. They were accused of breaching their agreement with Muḥammad and collaborating with the Quraysh during the Battle of the Trench. A siege of their fortified district lasting several weeks ensued. As allies of the Banū Qurayẓa, the Banū Aws interceded on their behalf, leading Muḥammad to leave the decision regarding their fate to Saʿd ibn Muʿādh, a member of the Banū Aws who had been gravely injured during the Battle of the Trench and was near death. He decreed that all men be executed, the women and children taken into captivity, and their property divided. This was carried out immediately despite protests from other allies.

Even after this incident, the conflict with the Jews persisted. After their expulsion from Medina, the Banū al-Naḍīr began preparing for war against Muḥammad in Khaybar, in coordination with neighboring Arab tribes. In the spring of 628, Muḥammad launched a preemptive campaign against them. Qur'an 5:33 prescribes cruel punishments (killing, crucifixion, or the amputation of a hand and a foot on opposite sides) for those who wage war against God and His Messenger, and it is associated with this historical context. Khaybar capitulated in June 628, and its Jewish inhabitants were compelled to surrender their wealth and to surrender half of their annual harvest to the Muslim conquerors. Shortly thereafter, two other Jewish-inhabited oases, Fadak and Taymāʾ, voluntarily submitted to Muḥammad's authority.

3.2.3. Other Opponents of Muḥammad

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In the Qur’anic verses associated with the period following the Battle of Uhud, another group of adversaries is mentioned: the Munāfiqūn. They are described as individuals who initially embraced the faith but subsequently turned away from it, merely feigning belief in the Messenger of God (cf. Q 63:1-3). The Arabic term munāfiqūn can therefore be translated as “hypocrites.” The Qur’an also refers to them as “those in whose hearts is disease” (fī qulūbihim maraḍ, cf., e.g., Q 5:52; 8:49; 9:125) and warns that they will be banished to the lowest depths of Hellfire in the hereafter. The Munāfiqūn primarily questioned Muḥammad's judicial authority. The Qur’an mentions that some among them did not want Muḥammad to arbitrate their disputes and turned away from him (Q 4:60f). In response to this apostasy, believers are instructed to refer their disputes to Muḥammad for judgment (Q 4:59). Henceforth, only those who complied with this command were to be regarded as true believers (Q 4:65). In Arabic sources, ʿAbdallāh ibn Ubayy is named as the leader of the Munāfiqūn. It is reported that, had Muḥammad not arrived in Yathrib, ʿAbdallāh would have become the “king” (malik) of the city. Thus, it was possibly a matter of competing claims to power.

It appears, however, that Muḥammad's religious authority was also facing a crisis during this period. Islamic tradition preserves an account of a Christian from the Banū al-Najjār clan of Medina who had converted to Islam and served as a scribe for the Prophet during the recording of Surahs 2 and 3. Later, however, he reverted to his former religion and boasted to his fellow believers that Muḥammad knew nothing except what he had written down for him. During this period, one of Muḥammad's Meccan scribes, ʿAbdallāh ibn Abī Sarḥ, also apostatized in a scandalous manner. He went to pagan Mecca and boasted, claiming he had tested Muḥammad by subsequently altering the wording of a revelation in one instance, without the Prophet noticing the change. The alterations pertained to rhymed words resembling those found in other parts of the Qur’an. The Qur’an itself appears to bear witness to this incident, referring to individuals in whose hearts is doubt, who do not adhere to the clear revelations (āyāt muḥkamāt) of the Qur’an but instead “pursue […] that which is allegorical (mutashābih) seeking (to cause) dissension” (Q 3:7). According to tradition, ʿAbdallāh ibn Abī Sarḥ is identified as the individual mentioned in the Qur’an as having “chosen disbelief (kufr) instead of faith (īmān)” (Q 2:108).

Muḥammad treated some of his opponents with cruelty. For example, in September 624, he ordered the assassination of the poet Kaʿb ibn al-Ashraf, who was friendly with the Jewish tribe of Qaynuqāʿ and had mocked Muḥammad. During the capture of Mecca in January 630, however, Muḥammad demonstrated significantly greater clemency. With the exception of a few individuals who had committed acts of killing, he granted amnesty to all his former adversaries in the city, including his former scribe Ibn Abī Sarḥ, who had actively incited opposition against him in Mecca. He benefited from the intercession of ʿUthmān, the Prophet’s milk-brother, who advocated on his behalf. Muḥammad’s willingness to forgive former adversaries is also reflected at the Qur’anic level: those who turn unto Allah (tawba) together, it is stated, can expect to succeed (Q 24:31); God is described as one who “accept[s] repentance from His [servants]” (Q 9:104); and whoever repents, God too will turn to them" (Q 5:39). However, hypocrites and apostates who do not uphold their Tawba are threatened with Hellfire (Q 9:74; 3:86-89).

3.2.4. The Formation of an Independent Religious Community

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The consolidation of believers into a distinct community bound by allegiance, along with their demarcation from external groups, was accompanied by an effort to restrict the influence of competing allegiances that could pose a threat to the solidarity of the believers. This is evident in various Qur’anic verses from the Medinan period, where believers are instructed to take only other believers, and not unbelievers, as friends (Q 3:28). Only those who completely severed ties with the opponents of God's Messenger, even at the expense of kinship bonds, were to be recognized as “believers” and full members of the community. In the Qur'an, those who adhere to these principles are promised success and salvation in the hereafter (cf. Q 5:56; 58:22).

This social demarcation was accompanied by a parallel religious distinction. The separation from the Jews was particularly evident in religious rituals (cf. below 3.3.). At the same time, on a conceptual level, there was a renewed focus on the figure of Abraham. He was now elevated as the prototype of the new religious community. Several Qur'anic passages from this period contain the call to follow the religion of the “Community of Abraham” (millat Ibrāhīm) (e.g. Q 2:130; 4:125). It is emphasized that Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian nor Mushrik, but a Muslim and a ḥanīf (cf. Q 3:67; 3:95). For a time, ḥanīf seems to have been the common designation for Muḥammad’s followers, and Ḥanīfiyya (“Ḥanīfism”) the name of the religion he founded. The Qur'anic passages referring to Abraham also provided a strong justification for the cultic reorientation toward the Arabian sanctuary in Mecca. This was explained by stating that the “House” (bayt) in Mecca predated the sanctuary in Jerusalem in age, as it was the first to be established for humankind (Q 3:96). Abraham, together with his son Ismāʿīl, is said to have already raised the foundations of this “House” (Q 2:127). Muḥammad appears to have drawn on ḥanīfī concepts here (cf. above 1.3.6.). Moreover, in two Qur’anic passages (Q 2:125; 3:97), the Meccan sanctuary is referred to as the 'Station of Abraham' (maqām Ibrāhīm).

3.2.5. The Gradual Growth of the Prophet’s Authority

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According to the Constitution of Medina, Muḥammad was by no means the absolute ruler of Medina. He was recognized solely as a prophet (§ 1) and an arbiter (§ 23, 42), and he may possibly have been regarded as the leader of the “clan” of the emigrants (§ 3). The sources describe several incidents that illustrate his efforts to secure the support of other clan leaders. However, in connection with military activities, the power structures within the Muslim community began to shift. One consequence of the defeat at Uhud was the injunction to the believers to, from now on, absolutely obey the Messenger of God and “those in authority” (ūlū l-amr) on (Q 4:59) and to inform this group before disseminating any security-sensitive information, in order to allow for proper verification (Q 4:83). This measure effectively centralized military intelligence. Additionally, the believers were also informed that the Messenger of God had the right to at least one-fifth (khums) of the spoils, to be distributed among relatives, orphans, the poor, and those without shelter (Q 8:41). Following the expulsion of the Jews, the Prophet demanded unconditional obedience from his followers, believing men and women, in all matters he had personally decided (Q 33:36). His military and diplomatic successes evidently earned him such prestige and authority that his power continued to grow.

Of no small significance to Muḥammad’s growing power was the fact that several poets in Medina aligned themselves with him. The most prominent among them was Ḥassān ibn Thābit, who had previously composed panegyric poetry for Ghassanid and Lakhmid princes. Against this backdrop, the Prophet refined his previous negative stance toward poets. Only those who committed injustice were to be condemned, whereas those "who believe, do good works, and vindicate themselves after they have been wronged" were exempt (Q 26:227). Additionally, Muḥammad now had more scribes at his disposal to handle his correspondence and record his recitation of the Qur’an. Particularly noteworthy are Zayd ibn Thābit, who had learned Syriac or Hebrew script at a Jewish school prior to the Hijra, and Ubayy ibn Kaʿb. Both belonged to the Khazrajite clan of Banū al-Najjār, in whose quarter Muḥammad had settled.

As was customary for an Arab tribal leader of his time, Muḥammad had multiple wives simultaneously. Many of these marriages primarily served political purposes. For instance, he sought to strengthen ties with key supporters or cultivate good relations with the wife’s tribal group. Yet, there were other marriages that he entered into purely out of affection. The most well-known case is that of Ṣafiyya bint Ḥuyayy, the daughter of a Jew who had fought against the Prophet and was expelled from Medina. She was the daughter of the chief of the Jewish clan Banū al-Naḍīr. However, after the Muslim victory at Khaybar, she was captured and assigned to another fighter during the distribution of war spoils. Due to her beauty, the Prophet claimed her for himself. He freed her on the condition that she convert to Islam and took her as a formal wife. Muḥammad’s marriage to Ṣafiyya was highly conflict-ridden, as his other wives were jealous of the new co-wife. It is believed that this was also the occasion for the unusual prohibition in Surah 33, which was issued specifically for the Prophet, forbidding him from marrying additional women, “even though their beauty pleased” him (Q 33:52). In addition to his wives, Muḥammad had several enslaved women who served him as concubines. One of them, Maria the Copt, to whom he was particularly attached, provoked such intense jealousy in his household that Muḥammad vowed to abstain from her. However, due to the indiscretion of one of his wives, he later revoked this vow, an incident referenced in the Qur'an (Q 66:1-5).

 
A calligraphic inscription of a ṣalawāt

As indicated in Surah 33:32, Muḥammad’s wives were also desired by other men. To ensure they did not respond to such advances, they were threatened with severe punishment for adultery (Q 33:30). They were also instructed to remain in their homes and not to display their adornments “with the bedizenment of the Jāhiliyyah” (Q 33:33). Additionally, they were subject to a permanent prohibition on remarriage after Muḥammad’s death (Q 33:53). Around this time, the broader community of believers was enjoined to invoke a special blessing upon the Prophet whenever he was mentioned (Q 33:56). This contributed to the increasingly sacrosanct character of his person. To this day, invoking a blessing (taṣliya) upon mentioning Muḥammad remains an obligation in Islam.

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As described above (3.2.1.), Muḥammad fulfilled a judicial function in Medina, thereby corresponding roughly to the pre-Islamic type of ḥakam. In many disputes brought before him, he likely rendered judgments based on existing legal precedents (Sunnah). However, where the existing system proved inadequate, he introduced new rules and regulations through the Qur'an.

The earliest legal regulations enacted by Muḥammad after the Hijrah are recorded in Surah 2. The pre-Islamic Qisās system was affirmed, though a recommendation was made to regulate retaliation through blood money (diya) (Q 2:178f). In addition, usury (ribā) was prohibited (cf. Q 2:275). The institution of marriage was also restructured. Muḥammad permitted men to divorce their wives but prohibited them from retaining any of their wives' property in such cases. Women were likewise able to seek the dissolution of the marriage but were required to compensate their husbands by returning all or part of the mahr (Q 2:229). This form of compensation by the wife, which continues to exist today, is known as Khulʿ in Islamic law. After divorcing his wife, a man could only remarry her if, in the meantime, she had married another man (Q 2:230). Furthermore, a waiting period (ʿiddah) of three or four months between marriages was introduced. This regulation aimed to ensure biological paternity (Q 2:228, 2:234).

Muḥammad also introduced various criminal regulations. It was decreed that male and female thieves should have their hands cut off as a recompense “of their own deeds, an exemplary punishment from God” (Q 5:38). Various traditions place the general prohibition of wine, as declared in Surah 5 and later a defining characteristic of Islam, in this period. The verse itself (Q 5:90f) justifies the prohibition by stating that wine consumption, like gambling, sows enmity and hatred among Muḥammad’s followers and prevents them from praying. Reports on the circumstances surrounding the imposition of this prohibition explain that, prior to it, altercations had occurred among intoxicated companions of the Prophet, some of whom had even suffered severe injuries.

After the Battle of Uhud, Muḥammad implemented further significant changes and reforms concerning gender relations and marriage, which are primarily recorded in Surah 4. Muslim men were permitted to marry up to four women simultaneously (Q 4:3); however, they were also required to give the mahr directly to their wives (Q 4:4). The Qur'an also established precise inheritance regulations that included female relatives and widows, yet allotted them only half the share received by their male counterparts of the same degree of kinship (Q 4:7-14). Wives were no longer regarded as part of a deceased man's estate (Q 4:19) and could no longer be married by his sons (Q 4:23). In view of their duty to provide for women, men were permitted to chastise them in cases of rebelliousness (Q 4:34). Visiting marriages (cf. 1.3.2. above) remained permissible, provided that the man compensated the woman and that she did not engage in relationships with multiple men simultaneously (Q 4:24f). This effectively abolished the pre-Islamic Arabian institution of polyandry, the marriage of a woman to multiple men. Women whose sexual misconduct was proven by four witnesses were to be confined for life (Q 4:15). However, Muḥammad's stance on the institution of temporary visiting marriages does not appear to have been entirely clear. Various Islamic sources report that he prohibited such unions during the Battle of Khaybar but later permitted them again. Overall, these new marriage regulations reflect an intent to reconcile the two marriage systems that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia (cf. 3.1.2. above).

A scandal involving Muḥammad’s young wife ʿĀʾisha led to stricter laws on sexual offenses. The background to this was an incident during a military campaign in January 627. According to reports, on the way back from this military campaign, ʿĀʾisha wandered away from the camp while searching for a lost necklace. She returned to find the encampment already dismantled. The next day, she was brought back by a young man named Ṣafwān ibn al-Muʿaṭṭal. The scandal triggered by this incident divided the community, as some prominent Muslims publicly accused ʿĀʾisha of infidelity. Muḥammad initially sent ʿĀʾisha back to her parents' house and likely contemplated divorcing her. However, after receiving a revelation (Q 24:11-20) affirming the baselessness of the accusation, he took her back. In connection with this incident, a ruling was established stipulating that those who accuse honorable women of adultery without producing four witnesses are to receive 80 lashes (Q 24:4). Additionally, the punishment for extramarital intercourse was established as 100 lashes (Q 24:2).

A new ruling, initially applicable only to Muḥammad’s wives, was the ḥijāb injunction. This ruling was likely introduced following Muḥammad’s wedding to Zaynab bint Jaḥsh in the spring of 627. During the wedding celebration, an incident occurred. The Prophet felt disturbed by men who had apparently entered his house without permission and engaged with his wives. As a result of this incident, it was decreed that the Prophet’s wives were henceforth to remain behind a curtain (ḥijāb) when speaking to men (Q 33:53). However, the ḥijāb injunction applied only to Muḥammad’s free women. Regarding his marriage to Ṣafiyya, it is reported that he imposed the ḥijāb on her as a sign of her emancipation. Another verse of the same surah instructs the Prophet to enjoin “the women of the believers” to cover themselves in public (Q 33:59). Over time, this injunction on covering, along with the ḥijāb, became an integral part of the traditional Islamic gender order.

Muḥammad’s marriage to Zaynab bint Jaḥsh, notably, also introduced another legal reform. Personal affection was also a factor in this case. Zaynab was originally married to Muḥammad’s adopted son, Zayd ibn Ḥāritha. It is reported that, on one occasion, Muḥammad went to speak with Zayd but did not find him at home. Instead, he encountered Zaynab alone, dressed in light clothing, and was overcome with passion for her. Zaynab later informed Zayd of Muḥammad’s visit and the remarks he had made upon leaving. Understanding these remarks, Zayd divorced Zaynab so that she could marry Muḥammad. Muḥammad’s plan to marry Zaynab, however, sparked outrage in Medinan society, as marrying the former wife of one’s own child was considered incestuous, even if he was an adopted son (daʿiyy ) rather than a biological one. However, Muḥammad disregarded these objections and married Zaynab. A revelation later justified this marriage (Q 33:37) and affirmed it as an act of divine decree (Qadar) (Q 33:38). Likely in connection with these events, the legal institution of adoption was formally abolished (Q 33:4f), a prohibition that continues to influence Islamic legal traditions to this day.

3.3. The Evolution of Islamic Ritual Practice

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3.3.1. The Emergence of the Mosque and the Development of Salāt

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The Mosque of Qubāʾ at the Beginning of the 20th Century

Upon his arrival at the oasis of Yathrib following the Hijra in September 622, Muḥammad stayed for the first few days in Qubāʾ, a southern suburb of the city. For the performance of salāt, he used a masjid established there by his followers. The term masjid is linguistically related to sujūd, meaning “place of prostration” (see 1.3.3. above). It is the same term used to denote the sanctuary in Mecca, which had now become inaccessible to the Muslims (cf. Q 8:34). The German word “Moschee” is also derived from masjid, likely borrowed from Arabic through the Spanish mezquita and the Italian moschea. Due to its distinctive role in Islamic history, the Mosque of Qubāʾ is considered especially sacred among Muslims. It is also said to be identical to “a masjid which was found upon duty (to God) from the first day” (Q 9:108), as mentioned in the Qur'an. To this day, large numbers of Muslim pilgrims visit it for prayer during their pilgrimage.

Apart from the Masjid of Qubāʾ, various other private prayer spaces existed in Yathrib. Before long, Muḥammad decided to establish a masjid as well. For this purpose, he selected a site in the quarter of the Banū al-Najjār, where he had found refuge. Together with his companions, he built a courtyard approximately 35 × 30 meters in size, enclosed by a brick wall. Muḥammad himself slept in one of the chambers along the outer wall, meaning that the structure also served, in a sense, as his house. On the northern side, where prayers were initially performed, a shaded roof (ṣuffah) made of palm leaves and mud sheltered the worshippers from the sun. Following the reorientation of the prayer direction toward Mecca (see below), destitute Muhājirūn and those without accommodation in Yathrib used the space as a refuge, spending the night there. Due to their poverty and closeness to the Prophet, these “People of the Shaded Roof” (Ahl al-Ṣuffah) continue to be regarded by many Muslims as exemplary religious figures.

Over time, Muḥammad’s mosque developed into the focal point of communal life for his followers. The prayers were announced by a public call, known as the Adhān. Muḥammad is reported to have appointed Bilāl ibn Rabāḥ, an Ethiopian, as the first caller to prayer (muʾadhdhin, from which the German word Muezzin is derived), making him, in a sense, a model for all subsequent muezzins. However, people gathered in Muḥammad’s mosque not only for prayer but also to hold consultations, receive delegations, and care for the wounded. Muḥammad’s wives were accommodated in adjoining rooms. Due to the substantial economic gains that the Muslim community experienced following the Battle of Khaybar, the structure was expanded in 628 to approximately 50 by 50 meters.

In the years following the Hijra, several modifications were also introduced to the prayer ritual. Parallel to the introduction of a third daily prayer (see 3.2.2. above), the obligation to observe nightly vigils was relaxed (Q 73:20). After the conflict with the Jews, Muḥammad dissociated himself from the prayer direction (Qibla) toward Jerusalem, initiating a gradual process of reorientation. Initially, it was emphasized that the direction in which one prays is insignificant, as God is present everywhere (Q 2:115). Eventually, the “Sacred Sanctuary” (al-Masjid al-Ḥarām) in Mecca was designated as the new Qibla (cf. Q 2:144), while the former prayer direction was still recognized as legitimate (cf. Q 2:148). Around the midpoint of Muḥammad’s Medinan period, additional regulations were issued regarding the state in which believers had to be before approaching prayer: those in a state of impurity (junub) were required to perform ablution beforehand, while those who had relieved themselves or touched a woman were instructed to wipe their faces and hands with sand (Q 4:43; 5:6). The fact that ablution can also be performed with sand suggests that it is less a hygienic measure than a symbolic act of purification for the person standing before God. Around the same time, Ṣalāt became an obligatory duty for all Muslims, as indicated by Qur'anic passages from this period that describe how the Munāfiqūn participated unwillingly in the ritual (e.g., Q 4:142).

3.3.2. Ramadān Fasting and Eid Prayer

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One of the major High Holy Days in Judaism is the fast of Yom Kippur, which takes place on the tenth day of the month of Tishri. The Jews in Yathrib referred to this day simply as the Tenth (ʿĀshūrā'), due to its position within the month, as it is also designated in the Old Testament (Lev 16:29). When Muḥammad arrived in Yathrib and the tenth day of Tishri approached for the first time, he instructed his followers to fast along with the Jews. The Qur'an bears witness to this: “O [you] who believe! Fasting is prescribed for you, even as it was prescribed for those before you” (Q 2:183). The Jews fasted on this day from one evening to the next, and the Muslims adopted this practice as well.

However, as Muḥammad distanced himself from the Jews in 624, he also abandoned Jewish fasting practices and instead introduced the thirty-day daytime fast during the month of Ramaḍān. Ramadān had held special significance for Muslims since at least the Battle of Badr, which took place during this month. It was now also recognized as the month in which the Qur’an was revealed (see Q 2:185), and was honored with a special fasting ritual that replaced the previous ʿĀshūrā' fast. The initial regulations for fasting in Ramaḍān are found in Qur'anic verses 2:185 and 2:187. These two verses provided the foundation for the detailed fasting regulations that Muslim jurists later developed. Fasting entailed abstinence not only from food and drink but also from sexual intercourse. Sexual intercourse during the nights of Ramaḍān, however, was explicitly permitted, explained metaphorically as husbands and wives being garments for one another. The nightly prohibition on sexual relations was maintained only during Iʿtikāf, a special period of devotion at the end of Ramadān (Q 2:187). The last nights of Ramadān held special significance in the religious life of Muslims from an early period, as it was believed that the Qur'an was revealed on one of these nights. This night of the Qur'an’s descent is referred to as Laylat al-Qadr (“Night of Decree”) according to Surah 97 and is regarded as an especially sacred time.

During this period, the Festival of Breaking the Fast (ʿīd al-fiṭr) was also established at the beginning of the following month, Shawwāl. According to tradition, on this occasion, Muḥammad proceeded with the believers in a procession-like march to a site outside the city, with Bilāl leading the way, carrying a lance (ʿanaza)—originally a gift from the Ethiopian Negus. During the prayer, the lance was planted in the ground as a marker for the Qibla. This prayer site (muṣallā) subsequently became the place where the rain prayers as well as the prayer for the Festival of Sacrifice (ʿīd al-aḍḥā) on the 10th of Dhū al-Ḥijjah were performed. The Feast of Sacrifice was likely introduced around this time and was linked to the sacrificial rituals performed during the Hajj at Minā on this day (see 1.3.3. above). Typically, after concluding these prayers, the Prophet delivered a sermon (khuṭbah), urging the believers to take part in communal (military) endeavors. The morning festive prayer has been preserved as a distinct ritual to this day. Additionally, in many Muslim countries, festive and rain prayers are still performed at a designated prayer site (ʿīdgāh) outside the city.

3.4. Supplementary Literature

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  • Meir Jacob Kister: “The Market of the Prophet”. In: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 8 (1965) 272–276. Digitalisat
  • Michael Lecker: The 'Constitution of Medina'. Muḥammad’s First Legal Document. Darwin Press, Princeton NJ 2004. Digitalisat
  • Michael Lecker: Muslims, Jews and Pagans. Studies on early Islamic Medina. Leiden: Brill 1995.
  • David S. Powers: Muḥammad is not the father of any of your men. The making of the last prophet. Philadelphia 2009.
  • Hannah Rahman: "The Conflicts Between the Prophet and the Opposition in Madina" in Der Islam 62/2 (1985) 260-297. Digitalisat
  • Uri Rubin: “The Assassination of Kaʿb b. al-Ashraf”, in Oriens 32 (1990) 65–71.
  • Richard B. Serjeant: The Sunna Jāmiʿah, „Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the Taḥrīm of Yathrib. Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called ‘Constitution of Medina’“ in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 41 (1978) 1–42.
  • W. Montgomery Watt: Muḥammad at Medina. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1956. Digitalisat

3.5. Tasks & Questions

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1. How is the transition of Muḥammad and his followers toward military engagement during the early Medinan period reflected in the Qur'an?

2. Summarize the key events of the military confrontations with Mecca.

3. Describe how Muḥammad's relationship with the Jewish communities in Medina developed.

4. In what ways did Muḥammad change the status of women in the community he established? Provide examples to support your explanation.

5. List legal and social reforms implemented by Muḥammad during the Medinan period.

6. How did the composition of Muḥammad’s following change over the course of the Medinan period?

7. How did Muḥammad’s position within his community change over the course of the Medinan period?

8. Explain how Ramadān became a sacred month for Muslims and discuss the beliefs and practices associated with it.

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