Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Juvenile delinquency motivation

Juvenile delinquency motivation:
What motivates minors to engage in unlawful behaviour?

Overview

Figure 1. An El Dorado County probation officer explains and demonstrates juvenile detention to a group of children

Juvenile delinquency is undesirable, antisocial and/or unlawful behaviour carried out by those under the age of responsibility, or minors (Gavin, 2019).

To explore juvenile delinquency and the motivation behind engaging in unlawful behaviour, the case of Brenda Spencer is used as a frame of reference while exploring three of the many different psychological perspectives that seek to explain possible factors behind the motivation for delinquent behaviour in juveniles. The perspectives explored are: the psychodynamic perspective, the social learning perspective, and effectance motivation; there is also a note, for interest, on other key perspectives for consideration.

With an understanding of the underlying motivation behind delinquent behaviour, the chapter turns to the treatment and prevention of delinquent behaviour using two therapeutic interventions, motivation-adaptive skills-trauma resolution (MASTR) therapy and multisystemic therapy (MST), and how these therapies may specifically look at approaching treatment for Brenda Spencer.

Finally, for interest, a snapshot of some statistics on institutionalization and recidivism for juveniles both globally and within Australia is provided.

Focus questions

What is juvenile delinquency?
What motivates delinquent behaviour?
How can motivational theories help prevent unlawful behaviour in minors?

Juvenile delinquency

In order to understand what juvenile delinquency is at it's most basic level there are two important questions that need to be addressed:

Who are juveniles?
What does delinquency mean?

Who are juveniles?

It can be difficult to distinguish between a child, a juvenile, and an adult; the distinction relies upon the biological and psychological development of the a 'normal' individual, versus the individual in question. Generally speaking, the term 'juvenile' refers to the age below that we consider to be an adult, but also older than who we would consider a child, which is essentially a teenager (roughly 12 - 18 years) (White et al., 2010). Who can be considered 'juvenile' in age differs across cultures and countries; for example, in Australia a juvenile is considered to be someone under the age of 18-years, whereas American states vary between 18-years and 21-years of age. It is important to note that juvenile age differs to the the age of criminal responsibility (AoCR) (Gavin, 2019).

The age of criminal responsibility refers to the age at which a person can be considered capable of committing a criminal offence - this is referred to as doli incapax (Gavin, 2019). Across the globe, AoCR ranges from six-years to 18-years, with the median age being 12-years old (United Nations, 2021). While there are ongoing debates around the appropriate, universal, internationally accepted AoCR with growing evidence supporting raising the minimum age to 14-years old in many countries (PRI, 2013), and some of ages are likely to increase (such as in Australia), some examples of AoCR are demonstrated in table 1:

Table 1

Age of criminal responsibility in selected countries

Country	Age of Criminal Responsibility
Australia	10-years
Denmark	15-years
California, USA	16-years
New Zealand	10-years
Sweden	15-years

What does delinquency mean?

The term delinquent is often loaded with negative connotations (Matza, 1997), but does not always refer to criminal behaviour. Delinquent behaviour exists on a sliding scale from improper acts (such as shouting in a library), to minor criminal behaviour (stealing from your parents[grammar?] wallet), right up to committing serious, violent crimes (murder). In this sense, juvenile delinquency doesn't always refer to unlawful behaviour, although is it almost always interpreted that way (White el at., 2010).

Quiz

Case study

Figure 2. Brenda Spencer mugshot after her arrest

Brenda Spencer was 16-years old when she committed the Grover Cleveland Elementary School shooting on the 29th of January, 1979, where two people were killed and nine were injured. When a reporter asked her why she had committed the crime she infamously replied "I don't like Mondays. This livens up the day", a shockingly blasé motivation for such a crime - but was a dislike of Mondays really what motivated Brenda? To get a better sense of what her true motivations were, one needs to looks at a number of factors including biology, cognition, and social environment; some would say that Brenda was the victim of an unfortunate combination of circumstances that led simple juvenile delinquency to the extreme end of the spectrum.

As we move through some motivations for delinquent behaviour there are some important factors to consider when evaluating Brenda's motivations:

Brenda's parents were separated
Brenda lived in poverty with her single father, whom she later accused of physical and sexual abuse (this was denied by him and remains unproven)
Brenda's house was littered with empty alcohol bottles, and she claimed to be a drug and alcohol user at the time of the crime - although drug and alcohol tests came back negative when taken into custody
Brenda was uninterested in school, was chronically truant, and had been previously arrested for shooting out windows with a BB gun and burglary - however, Brenda did show exceptional ability in photography, even winning a competition
Brenda was later diagnosed with epilepsy, and found to have temporal lobe damage from an accident in early childhood
Brenda was was severely depressed and suicidal prior to, and after, committing the crime
Brenda's parents were made aware that she was struggling with her mental health, but refused the treatment recommended by authority figures
Brenda was provided with a semi-automatic rifle, with ammunition, for her birthday despite asking for a radio

Ultimately, Brenda was tried as an adult due to the severity of her crimes and sentenced to 25-years to life imprisonment; she has been denied parole four times and remains in custody to this day.

Motivations for delinquent behaviour

Motivation for delinquent behaviour can take many forms,[grammar?] a person may be motivated to partake in delinquent behaviour, or equally as motivated to avoid prosocial behaviour; often however, the focus is on motivation to action (the motivation to act) so this is what will be focused on. Juveniles may be motivated to act for a number of reasons that include, but are not limited to, the psychological theories explored below.

As we move through these theories, keep in mind the case study of Brenda outlined above.

Psychodynamic perspective

The psychodynamic perspective of motivation in general is largely unconscious and unknown to the individual, let alone the public. There are two views to consider:

the traditional Freudian perspective;
the contemporary psychodynamic perspective

A traditional psychoanalytic theorist might argue that for juveniles, delinquent behaviour largely the result of a weak superego stemming from a fixation on a particular psychosexual stage of development (Gavin, 2019). With this viewpoint it could be argued that Brenda did not emerge from the phallic stage of development leading [missing something?] stronger attachment to her father than her mother, and has a weak superego and overactive ID, resulting in low self-control and high impulsivity.

A more contemporary psychoanalytic theorist might argue that for juveniles, delinquent behaviour largely the result of internal conflicts within the person that are painful or traumatic, leading to the deployment of immature defense mechanisms such as denial and fantasy (Vaillant, 2011). A further explanation of delinquent behaviour in juveniles from this perspective could involve object relations theory, and the impact of parental abuse and neglect on developing representations of the self (Reid & Sullivan, 2009; Yoder & Precht, 2020). If her claims of physical and sexual abuse are true, then this coupled with living in poverty and her parents separation could have been painful and traumatic for Brenda, leading to trauma and psychological defense mechanisms such as repression, displacement and acting out.

Social learning perspective

The underlying assumption to delinquent behaviour motivation from a social learning perspective is that juveniles lack the appropriate learning opportunities and/or positive role models, and therefore the social skills required, in order to deal with difficult situations (Gavin 2019). There are many lenses one could use from a social learning perspective, so it's important to note that the focus in this book chapter does not encompass the vast array of perspectives and research one could use; there are two considerations that I believe are particularly relevant when looking at juvenile delinquency:

the influence of parenting style/role model
social and community bonds

Inconsistent monitoring, and harsh and hostile parenting styles can be a risk factor for delinquent juvenile behaviour (Hay et al., 2017); it is not so much that unlawful behaviour is learnt (although this can certainly be the case), but more that prosocial skills such as teamwork and communication are not modelled, and therefore not learnt. Brenda appears to have come from a difficult background in which her parents may not have respected authority figures - as demonstrated by refusing professional advice and permission to treat Brenda for her severe mental illness (although this could be for a variety of reasons, including stigma around mental illness etc.).

It is not only individual risk factors, such as parental style, that influence the motivation behind juvenile offending and reoffending; youths that come from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to lack prosocial bonds within their community, and experience antisocial, deviant, and criminal behaviour (Intravia et al., 2017). Brenda was raised in poverty; in a low-socioeconomic household where it appears that prosocial bonds and behaviour were not demonstrated, and as a self-professed loner it appears that she lacked positive role models in the form of peers or adults that may have provided a protective factor against antisocial, and criminal behaviour

Effectance motivation

Effectance motivation is understood as the desire to be a cause of the effects in one's environment. Adolescents who meet a number of risk criteria such as those with poor social bonds, poor familial relations, those of lower socioeconomic status, and those who are under achievers at school, may seek to meet the need to cause an effect in their environment through what is perceived to be their only means necessary: antisocial, deviant, or criminal behaviour (Stetson, 2013).

After Brenda committed the Grover Cleveland Elementary School shooting, she made her infamous comment "I don't like Mondays. This livens up the day". Given this comment, her actions could be interpreted through an effectance motivation perspective as a way to cause an effect in her Monday with the means available to her (the semi-automatic rifle and ammunition).

Other motivations

The above are only three of a broad range of theories to explain motivation for delinquent behaviour; it is often true that one theoretical viewpoint alone does not explain motivation in it's[grammar?] entirety. According to Gavin (2019), the other key factors to be taken into consideration (for further interest) are:

Biological motivations: genetics and brain functioning
Personality theories: personalities higher in psychopathy and sadistic traits are found to have higher motivations for violent behaviour
Cognitive theories: juveniles are motivated to behave in an antisocial manner if this is in line with their generalized and personal scripts

Have your say!

Which of the three above mentioned motivations do you believe best fit Brenda's case?

Take the poll: https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/DLFGQZM

Treatment and prevention of delinquent behaviour

Figure 3. Adolescents in a group hug during trauma therapy

Effective treatment for juvenile delinquency, in a broad sense, needs to be comprehensive and able to target a wide array of potential motivations for the undesirable behaviour. There are a number of popular and widely known therapeutic approaches such as cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) or dialectical behaviour therapy (DBT); however, there are two therapeutic approaches that are less known, extensive, lengthy and expensive, but have promising results according to empirical research:

Motivation-adaptive Skills-trauma resolution (MASTR) therapy; and
Multisystemic therapy (MST)

Motivation-adaptive skills-trauma resolution therapy

Motivation-Adaptive Skills-Trauma Resolution (MASTR) therapy is a trauma-focused, individual therapy that utilizes techniques that are empirically based, and widely shown to be effective in the treatment of a range of conditions. The following techniques are applied during MASTR therapy in order to address maltreatment, sexual, physical and psychological trauma (Greenwald, 2002):

Motivational interviewing;
Cognitive-behavioural training; developing coping skills
Trauma resolution; specifically eye movement desensitization and reprocessing
Relapse/harm reduction

Greenwald (2002) proposes that the aim of MASTR therapy is to understand and resolve underlying trauma, with the view that trauma is key in the development and maintenance of delinquent behaviour. He outlines that the treatment of trauma during MASTR therapy involves two phases:

establishing a sense of safety for the individual;
working through the trauma

Empirical research has indicated that MASTR therapy has good immediate, and at least 3-month post-therapeutic outcomes for the reduction of trauma and delinquent behaviour (Farkas et al., 2010). For the best results however, a comprehensive approach that targets other problem areas, such as trouble with school and interpersonal relationships, is recommended.

How might this therapeutic approach help Brenda?

Addresses trauma at an individual level through the use of empirically tested techniques
It can work with Brenda to resolve trauma around parental divorce, potential physical and sexual abuse, along with possible alcohol and drug addiction
It may provide Brenda with coping skills moving forward, thus preventing further delinquent, and criminal, behaviour

Multisystemic therapy

Multisystemic therapy (MST) proposes that behaviour, in general, is the product of a complex network of social systems that are interconnected (Weiss et al., 2013); MST is one of the most broadly spread therapeutic approaches when it comes to treating delinquent behaviour in adolescents, who make up the majority of who are considered 'juveniles'. Broadly speaking, MST is a family-focused, home and community based, therapy that targets adolescents experiencing serious emotional disturbance and anti-social behaviours (Sheerin et al., 2021).

The fundamental assumptions of MST are that:

Antisocial behaviour in adolescents is driven by multiple factors including individual, familial, and community
Caregivers are the most significant influence on reductions in antisocial/delinquent behaviour

The goal of MST is to reduce risk factors for delinquent behaviour, while also boosting protective factors that are provided through relationships with peers, family, and the broader community. Ascher et al. (2014) found that studies from the United States and other countries largely showed overall reduction in delinquent behaviour; although it is important to note that studies from Canada and Sweden found no effect when utilizing MST. Despite the conflicting studies, there is a growing body of evidence that supports the use of MST and it's[grammar?] positive effects for treatment and prevention of reoffending up to 6-months post conclusion of therapeutic intervention (Sheerin et al., 2021).

How might this therapeutic approach help Brenda?

Addresses the broader picture, looking at individual, familial and community influences on delinquent behaviour
It works with Brenda, her father, and her school community in a multi-target approach with regards to her poor mental health, living situation, and below average school performance
This strengthens Brenda's support network (protective factor), while aiming at reducing her risk factors (poverty, poor mental health, and antisocial behaviour)

Statistics on juvenile offending

Specific global statistics on underage offending can be difficult to come by, and often revolve around Western societies. The rates of juveniles within the justice system tend to reflect how countries view offending; high rates of detention are often seen in countries with a 'justice model' that emphasizes accountability and punishment, rather than a 'welfare' model that emphasizes rehabilitation and meeting the need of youth (United Nations, 2021).

According to the United Nations (2021), juveniles are often disproportionately represented in data on crime and violence, with juvenile males making up a large percentage of juveniles (and individuals overall) detained. While this wasn't covered in the motivations for delinquent behaviour section above, it does provoke an important question for further consideration: is there a sex-based element to the motivation for unlawful behaviour?

Table 2 and Table 3 provide some interesting global statistics on underage offenders and their incarceration. Table 2 provides a snapshot of the number of juveniles held in prison within targeted countries across the globe in 2018 as per the United Nations dataset (more data on other countries, and previous years can be found in the external links below), while Table 3 looks at the distribution of sexes of juveniles incarcerated in Australian youth justice facilities in the 2019/20 year as per the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

Table 4 highlights recidivism rates in three major western countries from the Australian Institute of Criminology, while it is a fairly narrow scope in a global sense it does call into question the effectiveness of institutionalization as a consequence for juvenile offending. May et al. (2014) found in a literature review on juvenile delinquency treatment and prevention that therapeutic approaches such as MST (as above) had greater success in targeting reduction of recidivism rates; unfortunately institutionalization across countries with a 'justice model' is still the main punishment for a lot of antisocial, undesirable and delinquent behaviour in juvenile populations.

Table 2.

Juveniles held in detention, in selected countries, 2018

Juveniles held in Prison	Australia	Japan	Denmark	England/Wales	United States of America
Number	974	8	12	642	4,100
Number per 100,000	17.20	0.04	1.04	5.10	5.55

Table 3.

Offenders per 100,000 Australians, aged between 10 - 17 years, in 2019/20 financial year, by sex

Sex	Offenders per 100,000	Percentage
Male	2,626	70%
Female	1,156	30%

Table 4.

Recidivism rates for institutionalized juvenile males across selected countries

Country	Recidivism rate
North America	96%
Britain	88%
Australia	41%

Conclusion

Understanding the motivation behind unlawful behaviour in juveniles is important for many reasons.

Juveniles are those roughly between the ages of 12-years and 18-years old (adolescents), but there is an important distinction between juveniles and the age of criminal responsibility. Delinquent behaviour is anything on a scale from antisocial/undesirable behaviour to serious criminal behaviour. The case study of Brenda Spencer who committed a violent crime at the age of 16-years old is an example of the extreme end of juvenile delinquency, and demonstrates the motivations for delinquent behaviour, and how treatments for delinquent behaviour may be useful.

Three possible perspectives on motivation are:

Psychodynamic perspective;
Social learning perspective;
Effectance motivation

All three theories shine a light on the complex nature of motivation behind human behaviour. Delinquent behaviour can be addressed and prevented through two perspectives that look at the issue of antisocial/delinquent behaviour with a multifaceted, comprehensive lens:

Motivation-adaptive Skills-trauma resolution (MASTR) therapy; and
Multisystemic therapy (MST)

To conclude, a section on the statistics of underage offending and institutionalization was provided from sample countries as a snapshot of what criminal delinquent behaviour looks like at a global level - keeping in mind that not all delinquent behaviour is criminal. These statistics indicate that countries with a 'justice model' incarcerate juveniles at a higher rate, that males are incarcerated more often than females, and that recidivism in countries with justice models are quite high; considering these statistics, it is possible that incarceration of minors is not the answer to treatment and prevention of unlawful offending in juveniles.

References

{{Hanging indent|1=

Age Matrix. (29/06/2021). Interstate Commission for Juveniles. Retrieved 01/10/2021 from https://www.juvenilecompact.org/age-matrix

Andrew Day, K. H., Debra Rickwood. (2004). Current trends in the rehabilitation of juvenile offenders (0817-8542). (Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice, Issue. https://www.aic.gov.au/publications/tandi/tandi284

Ascher, J. J., Dekovic, M., Manders, W., van der Laan, P. H., Prins, P. J. M., & van Arum, S. (2014). Sustainability of the effects of multisystemic therapy for juvenile delinquents in the Netherlands: Effects on delinquency and recidivism. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 10(2), 227-243. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11292-013-9198-8

Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2016. Youth justice fact sheet no. 74. Comparisons between Australian and international youth justice systems: 2014–15. Cat. no. JUV 95. Canberra: AIHW

Buchanan, M., Castro, E. D., Kushner, M., & Krohn, M. D. (2020). It’s f**ing chaos: COVID-19’s Impact on juvenile delinquency and juvenile justice. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 45(4), 578-600. https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12103-020-09549-x

Craig, J. M., Baglivio, M. T., Wolff, K. T., Piquero, A. R., & Epps, N. (2017). Do social bonds buffer the impact of adverse childhood experiences on reoffending? Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 15(1), 3-20. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/yvja15&i=1

Farkas, L., Cyr, M., Lebeau, T. M., & Lemay, J. (2010). Effectiveness of MASTR EMDR therapy for traumatized adolescents. Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma, 3(2), 125-142. https://doi.org/10.1080/19361521003761325

Gavin, H. (2019). Criminological & forensic psychology (2nd edition. ed.). SAGE.

Greenwald, R. (2002). Motivation-Adaptive Skills-Trauma Resolution (MASTR) therapy for adolescents with conduct problems. Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 6(1), 237-261. https://doi.org/10.1300/J146v06n01_12

Hay, C., Meldrum, R. C., Widdowson, A. O., & Piquero, A. R. (2017). Early aggression and later delinquency: Considering the redirecting role of good parenting. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 15(4), 374-395. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/yvja15&i=363

Intravia, J., Pelletier, E., Wolff, K. T., & Baglivio, M. T. (2017). Community disadvantage, prosocial bonds, and juvenile reoffending: A multilevel mediation analysis. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 15(3), 240-263. https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/yvja15&i=231

Juvenile justice factsheet. (2021). United Nations. Retrieved 10/10/2021 from https://www.un.org/development/desa/youth/juvenile-justice-factsheet.html

Matza, D. (1997). Adolescence and delinquency: The collective management of reputation. Contemporary Sociology, 26(1), 82. https://ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/login?url=https://www-proquest-com.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/scholarly-journals/adolescence-delinquency-collective-management/docview/233611826/se-2?accountid=28889

May, J., Osmond, K., & Billick, S. (2014). Juvenile delinquency treatment and prevention: A literature review. Psychiatric Quarterly, 85(3), 295-301. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11126-014-9296-4

PRI. (2013). The minimum age of criminal responsibility. https://www.penalreform.org/resource/justice-children-briefing-no4-minimum-age-criminal-responsibility/

Raising the minimum age of criminal responsibility. (2020). https://s3.ap-southeast-2.amazonaws.com/hdp.au.prod.app.act-yoursay.files/4516/2433/2390/Discussion_Paper_-_FINAL.pdf

Sheerin, K. M., Borduin, C. M., Brown, C. E., & Letourneau, E. J. (2021). An evaluation of mechanisms of change in multisystemic therapy for juvenile justice‐involved youths a decade following treatment. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 47(1), 208-219. https://doi.org/10.1111/jmft.12446

Stetson, G. W. (2013). Effectance motivation as an explanatory factor in adolescence-limited juvenile delinquency. In: ProQuest Dissertations Publishing

Vaillant, G. E. (2011). Involuntary coping mechanisms: a psychodynamic perspective. Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience, 13(3), 366-370. https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2011.13.2/gvaillant

Weiss, B., Han, S., Harris, V., Catron, T., Ngo, V. K., Caron, A., Gallop, R., & Guth, C. (2013). An independent randomized clinical trial of multisystemic therapy with non-court-referred adolescents with serious conduct problems. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 81(6), 1027-1039. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033928

White, R. D., Perrone, S., & Gillespie, B. (2010). Crime, criminality & criminal justice. Oxford University Press.

Yoder, J., & Precht, M. (2020). Victimization experiences and executive dysfunction as discriminating risk indicators for youth offender typologies. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 64(1), 63-82. https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X19865185

External links