Editing Internet Texts/American Exceptionalism and National Myths in John F. Kennedy's Rhetoric/Analysis of the Selected Speeches

Analysis of the Selected Speeches edit

Inaugural Address edit

         General Information 


John F. Kennedy delivered his Inaugural Address on January 20, 1961 at the Capitol Plaza in Washington D.C., after being sworn in as president. The audience for this speech was very diversifies, which posed certain difficulties for the speaker: he had to address not only the officials and people gathered in the plaza, but also those who watched and listened to him on the radio and television. Moreover, Kennedy was aware that his words would reach thousands of people overseas, who would read the speech in the newspapers. Hence, the audience had to be analyzed to divde the speech into separate fragments targeted at different audiences.

Ted Sorensen, the main drafter of the speech, remarks:



Read more about the Inauguration of John F. Kennedy

Inaugural Address, 1961
          Analysis

Click here to read the speech.

In his Inaugural Address Kennedy frequently refers to the grand American ideals by recalling American history, notably the American Revolution, to present a significant place of the United States in the past, and its obligation in the present. It is affirmed that democracy is not something given but rarther fought for, and it is a duty of the American nation to uphold it. The American people are portrayed as the propagators of liberty, whose responisibility is to restore freedom to the world.

At the beginning of the speech Kennedy calls his victory "a celebration of freedom", which alludes to the famous phrase "a new birth of freedom", used by Abraham Lincoln in the Gettysburg Address. He repeatedly evokes American history saying "(...) the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe - the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.". By referring to the American Revolution and the Declaration of Independence, Kennedy implies that the ideals, which the Founding Fathers fought for, still need to be spread across the world, and it is the American nation who is obliged to promote freedom, democracy and liberty. Kennedy directly states that these rights "come from the hand of God", which suggests that the American people were given those rights as an exceptional nation chosen by God. Kennedy uses anithesis to emphasize the difference between the rights granted by the state, especially the rules established by the communist state, and the rights of man that come from God. Moreover, "his statement reveals a certain hierarchy, since the rights of man are given by God and cannot be granted by the state."[2]

In the next fragment Kennedy names the Americans of the present generation as the "heirs of that first revolution". The American nation not only should be proud of its glorious hisotry, but also each generation should recognize the responsibilty that is left to them. Since "the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans - born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage" they have to sacrifice for a greater purpose. Kennedy's statement "Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear and burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty." is a definite promise to preserve democracy. He reveals the missionary character of America pledging to help all those countries which fight to maintain freedom. The antithetical construction reinforces the imagery of the dichotomous division of the world: the spehere where "subversion" and "aggresion" dominates, which is represented by the Soviet Union, and the world of democracy and liberty, represented by the United States. According to Kennedy, the United States is a morally superior country, which is ready to stand up against the communists acts of aggresion that pose a threat to the world peace. In the fragment "All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first thousand years, nor in the lifetime of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin." Kennedy explicitly states that this mission requires time and commitment of not only present generation but also the future ones. He uses a metaphor, "trumpet summons us again (...) to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle (...) - a struggle against common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.", to create an image of the country that is in the middle of a battle between totalitarianism and freedom, emphasizing the exceptional position of the United States, that will secure the bright future of the whole humanity. Throughout the speech Kennedy suggests that the American nation has been chosen to uphold the fundamental human rights, "thereby giving them [Americans] the opportunity to prove that they can fulfill the American mission."[3] Kennedy presents himself as a dutiful citizen of the United States stating that "In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from responsibility - I welcome it". Moreover, it can be inferred that it is a trial for the American people mady by God so that they could show they are capable of fulfilling their mission.

           Rhetorical devices 
alliteration
  • "Pay any price, bear any burden…" (6th to the last paragraph)
  • "Let us go forth to lead the land we love..." (the last paragraph)
  • "faithful friends" (7th paragraph)
  • "a grand and global alliance" (5th to the last paragraph)
  • "to friend and foe alike" (4th paragraph)
  • "break the bonds of mass misery" (9th paragraph)
  • "the survival and the success of liberty" (5th paragraph)
  • "high standards of strength and sacrifice" (the last paragraph)
anaphora
  • "Let both sides... Let both sides... Let both sides..." (paragraphs from 16 to 19)
  • "all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life" (3rd parahraph)
  • "To those old allies... To those new states... To those people... To our sister... To that world... to those nations... " (paragraphs 7 to 12)
antithesis
  • "United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do..."
  • "Support any friend, oppose any foe... " (5th paragraph)
  • "I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it." (the 25th paragraph)
  • "We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning signifying renewal as well as change. " (the 2nd paragraph)
  • "... not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God." (the 3rd paragraph)
chiasmus
  • "Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate."
  • "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country."
enumeratio
  • "(...) we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty."
ethos
  • "In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility - I welcome it." (4th to the last paragraph)
  • "With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own."
logos
  • "To those people in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich." (9th paragraph)
  • "All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of the Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin." (21st paragraph)
metaphor
  • "the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans..." (4th paragraph)
  • "(..) to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty." (10th paragraph)
  • "(...) before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction." (12th paragraph)
  • "riding the back of the tiger" (8th paragraph)
  • "And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion... " (20th paragraph)
oxymoron
  • "But this peaceful revolution." (10th paragraph)
pathos
  • "he graves of young Americans who answered the call toservice surround the globe" (7th to the last paragraph)
  • "To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery... " (9th paragraph)
rhetorical question
  • "Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?" (5th to the last paragraph)

"City Upon a Hill" edit


Click here to read and listen to the speech.

         Analysis

Before taking the oath of office, John F. Kennedy came to Massachusetts, his homeland state, on January 9, 1961 to deliver a speech. Although Kennedy claimed that "I am not here to bid farewell to Massachusetts", "The City Upon a Hill" contains elements characteristic of a farewell speech; the meditiation on the past actions, reflections on the future and the indication of a change. Kennedy begins with reflecting on his political career and ackonwledgment of the role of Massachusetts in his life, then he moves on to more general relfections.

It may be noticed that Kennedy strongly identifies with the Massachusetts community, to which he is "deeply indebted for a lifetime of friendship and trust." He establishes his ethos as a devoted patriot, faithful to the society that he owes so much. He acknowledges a crucial role of Massachusetts in the formation and development of the democratic institutions and principles. He reverses the basic assumption of the American exceptionalism, according to which the United States is a country that sets an example for other nations, and portrays Massachusetts as a city upon a hill and a model state for the whole country. "Its [Massachusetts] leaders have shaped our destiny long before the great republic was born. Its principles have guided our footsteps in time of crisis as well as in times of calm. Its democratic institutions (...) have served as beacon lights for other nations as well as our sister states." In such a way Kennedy makes a microcosm of Massachusetts and macrocosm of the United States.

In the speech Kennedy repeatedly draws parallels to John Winthrop. He compares himself to a famous leader, who also "faced the task of buliding a new government on a perilous frontier". Kennedy hopes that the four fundamental qualties that characterized Massachusetts (courage, judgment, integrity and dedication) will characterize his government, which be like a metaphorical city upon a hill. He revokes the most famous part of Winthrop's sermon saying that "the eyes of all people are upon us". In this way he reminds his audience that they have a great responsibility of setting an example for other nations. Kennedy uses the metaphor of a voyage that the American nation is to set out, and creates a link between the Puritans, who sailed across the Atlantic, stating that it is "no less hazardous than that undertaken by the Arabella in 1630." Kennedy also uses the imagery of light, which usually is used to make contrast between two antagonistic forces (e.g. good and evil, love and hate). His aim is to present Massachusetts, that used to be "beacon lights", as the enlightened place among the world submerged in darkness. Moreover, light is frequently associated with God, thus it suggests that American law is the divine law and the American principal values are the only true values.

          Rhetorical devices 
anaphora
  • "They are an indelible part of my life, my convictions, my view of the past, and my hopes for the future." (5th paragraph)
  • "First, were we truly men of courage - with the courage to stand up to one's enemies -- and the courage to stand up, when necessary, to one's own associates - the courage to resist public pressure, as well as private greed?" (11th paragraph)
  • "It was here that my grandparents were born. It is here, I hope, that my grandchildren will be born." (3rd paragraph)
ethos
  • "Now, on the Friday after next, I am to assume new and broader responsibilities." (3rd paragraph) - newly elected president
  • "For forty-three years -- whether I was in London, or in Washington, on in the South Pacific, or elsewhere -- this has been my home; and, God willing, wherever I serve this shall remain my home." (3rd paragraph) - native of Massachusetts, devoted patriot
logos
  • "History will not judge our endeavors -- and a government cannot be selected -- merely on the basis of color or creed or party affiliation. Neither will competence and loyalty and stature, while essential to the utmost, suffice in times such as these." (9th paragraph)
  • "But I have been guided by the standard John Winthrop set before his shipmates on the flagship Arabella [sic] three hundred and thirty-one years ago, as they, too, faced the task of building a new government on a perilous frontier. "We must always consider," he said, 'that we shall be as a city upon a hill, the eyes of all people are upon us.'" (6th paragraph)
metaphor
  • "For we are setting out upon a voyage in 1961 no less hazardous than that undertaken by the Arabella in 1630." (8th paragraph)
parallel constructions
  • "Its leaders have shaped our destiny long before the great republic was born. Its principles have guided our footsteps in times of crisis as well as in times of calm. Its democratic institutions - including this historic body - have served as beacon lights for other nations as well as for our sister States." (4th paragraph)
rhetorical question
  • "First, were we truly men of courage -- with the courage to stand up to one's enemies -- and the courage to stand up, when necessary, to one's own associates -- the courage to resist public pressure, as well as private greed?" (11th paragraph)
  • "Secondly, were we truly men of judgment -- with perceptive judgment of the future as well as of the past -- of our own mistakes as well as the mistakes of others -- with enough wisdom to know what we did not know, and enough candor to admit it?" (12th paragraph)
  • "Third, were we truly men of integrity -- men who never ran out on either the principles in which they believed or the people who believed in them -- men whom neither financial gain nor political ambition could ever divert from the fulfillment of our sacred trust?" (13th paragraph)

Fourth of July Speech 1962 edit

Click here to watch and read the speech.

On July 4, 1962 president John F. Kennedy commemorated Independence Day by delivering the speech at the Independence Hall in Philadelphia, the place where the Declaration of Independence was signed in 1776 and where the U.S. Constitution was created in 1787. The Fourth of July Speech is classified among ritual speeches, "though not always listed among the major speeches and mostly regarded as a minor speech."[4] In his speech Kennedy praises the American democracy, evoking the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and their enduring relevance, and celebrates the national symbols and notable historical figures. Moreover, he declares the American assistance for the emerging European community devoted to freedom and unity. He mainly uses inspirational and motivational rhetoric by recalling the grand ideas and basic principles according to which the free states were created.

From the beginning of the speech Kennedy establishes his relationship with the history of the United States, and evokes one of the most important events in the history of the American nation, namely signing the Declaration of Independence:

"Thus, in a very real sense, you and I are the executors of the testament handed down by those who gathered in this historic hall 186 years ago today. For they gathered to affix their names to a document which was, above all else, a document not of rhetoric but of bold decision. It was, it is true, a document of protest - but protests had been made before. It set forth their grievances with eloquence - but such eloquence had been heard before. But what distinguished this paper from all the others was the final irrevocable decision that it took - to assert the independence of free States in place of colonies, and to commit to that goal their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor."

Kennedy emphasizes the obligation of each American to fulfill and commit to the task initiated by their ancestors and the Founding Fathers. He implies that it is the American people's as well as his duty to stand in defense of freedom all over the world. By pointing out that the Declaration of Independence was a document of bold and the "final irrevocable decision", Kennedy highlights that it was the American people who gave birth to the independent nation and decolonization, along with inspiring and setting an example for other communities. What is more, the president notices that the ideas included in the Declaration still reflect the fundamental American values.

The passage "To read it today is to hear a trumpet call." clearly alludes to Kennedy's Inaugural Address, in which he stated that "(...) the trumpet summons us again." He uses the warlike imagery of a trumpet, which calls soldiers to battle, and correlates it with the metaphorical battle of the American nation against "worldwide implications". It is explicitly stated that the American people were chosen to spread liberty and self-government, and that a "revolution in human affairs" has been in their hands. The authors of the Declaration are said to have been conscious that the undertaken mission had much more larger scope. The revolution was supposed to start in the United States and spread to each corner of the world. Kennedy refers to this mission as a "prophecy", which reinforces the sense of the destiny of the American nation, since the word is associated with an inspired prediction of the future, very often perceived as a revelation of divine will. Thus, the president evokes the mission which Americans are to accomplish, and their obligation to promote the national independence. Moreover, Kennedy contrasts the United States with other countries:

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Apart from referring to the Declaration Kennedy recalls the Constitution. He notices that the document "(...) stresses not independence but interdependence - not the individual liberty of one but the indivisible liberty of all." Kennedy observes that the international partnership should be based on the union of all free men. He is aware that "(...) this will not be completed in a year, but let the world know it is our goal." Once again, this words echo the ones used in the Inaugural Address, in which Kennedy says: "All this will not be finished in the first hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin." Thereby, it is implied that this mission cannot be accomplished presently, but it requires time, patience and the wholehearted dedication. The following words constitute the manifesto of the American nation:

"We can assist the developing nations to throw off the yoke of poverty. We can balance our worldwide trade and payments at the highest possible level of growth. We can mount a deterrent powerful enough to deter any aggression. And ultimately we can help to achieve a world of law and free choice, banishing the world of war and coercion."

Toward the end of the speech Kennedy mentions Abraham Lincoln, who also glorified the authors of the Declaration of Independence, in order to support his call for bringing equality in the world. Through the words of Lincoln Kennedy asks the American nation to have hope and to strongly believe that one day the ideals which inspired the Founding Fathers will be spread across the world. Kennedy pledges to "do our part to lift weights from the shoulders of all, to join other men and nations in preserving both peace and freedom, and to regard any threat to the peace or freedom of one as a threat to the peace and freedom of all." Hence, he presents the American nation as the nation utterly dedicated to the cause, and ready to fight for the basic laws of every man. Kennedy ends his vow with the formal oath from the last fragment of the Declaration of Independence.

The speech bears certain similarity to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address in a way it is structured. Kennedy uses the triadic time structure while referring to the past, the present and the future. He reminisces about the time when the Republic was created, subsequently returns to the contemporary times and then presents the objectives for the future. The address celebrates American history, the American ideals, and expresses the belief in the universality of the American creed.

In his address Kennedy creates the ethos of a true and devoted patriot, who is aware of his heritage and the duty to the country and to all humanity. He provides the audience with the explanation why the role of the American mission is so important, and why they ought to fully commit to achieving the goal by propagating liberty, equality and democracy. However, one ought to remember that the speech was delivered during the Cold War. The uneasy political situation made Kennedy to depict the American people as a bold and determined nation.


References edit

  1. Sorensen, Theodore C. 2009. Kennedy: The Classic Biography. New York: HarperCollins. pp.240-242
  2. Schwarz, S. 2010. The Role of Religion in American Presidential Rhetoric: a Comparative Analysis of Speeches by John F. Kennedy and George W. Bush, Trier: Atlantische Akademie, p.73
  3. Schwarz, S. 2010. The Role of Religion in American Presidential Rhetoric: a Comparative Analysis of Speeches by John F. Kennedy and George W. Bush, Trier: Atlantische Akademie, p.71
  4. Schwarz, S. 2010. The Role of Religion in American Presidential Rhetoric: a Comparative Analysis of Speeches by John F. Kennedy and George W. Bush, Trier: Atlantische Akademie, p.80